

With the credit crunch in the main copper markets, buyers have been driven away, thousands of mine workers have already been sacked, and more layoffs are due. 2 The fall of copper prices is aggravated by mine closures and, since Anglo-American investment pulled out from Konkola Deep in 2002, owners have been leaving the country because of the slump in demand caused by cuts in consumption in Asian and Western countries. Zambia is in the throes of the global crisis on all fronts: energy, food, water, environment and, of course, the financial system itself. Local radio and television – especially radio, accessible to millions of poor, mostly illiterate Zambians – often do not broadcast the same news in English, which many people do not speak, as in local languages. Information in the country, even though reluctantly and rather clumsily guaranteed in Article 20 of the Constitution, 1 is a privilege: only professionals and those “happy few” in the Government have access to it. However, besides Luanshya residents and others in the Copperbelt who were directly affected when either the mines were closed or the workers were retrenched, most Zambians are still unaware of the situation. While during its peak period copper used to fetch as much as USD 9,000 to USD 10,000 per ton, it was now going for just under USD 4,000. Copper makes up 90% of national revenue, and by September 2008 its price on the London Metal Exchange had crashed. Zambia was one of the early casualties of the world economic meltdown. The 2009 National Budget is in denial and Parliament is not paying attention. The Government’s reaction to the effects of the crisis has been both predictable and disappointing. Although for the past 45 years politicians have promised to diversify into other products, almost nothing has been done. The global economic meltdown is already seriously affecting Zambia, which is highly dependent on the production and price of copper, its primary export. (to be included only in the SW 2009 – Overview version)Įdición hecha al amparo del Art. Any other form of reproduction, storage in a retrieval system or transmission by any means for commercial purposes requires prior permission from ITeM. The content of this publication may be reproduced by non-governmental organizations for non-commercial purposes (please send us copies). The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of its authors and of the Social Watch network and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union, Oxfam Novib and the Ford Foundation. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union, Oxfam Novib and the Ford Foundation. Made possible thanks to the funding and support of the European Commission, Oxfam Novib and the Ford Foundation. Soledad Bervejillo, Marcela Dutra, Bachir El Omari, Ana Fostik, Susana Ibarburu, Emilie Jung, Richard Manning, María Laura Mazza, Alexandra Potts, Álvaro Queiruga, Alejandra Trellesġ8 de Julio 1077/ 903, Montevideo 11100, +598 (2) 902 0490 ext.113 Social Sciences Research Team, Departamento de Sociologíaĭe la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de la República, Uruguay The International Secretariat of Social Watch is based in Montevideo, Uruguay, hosted by the Third World Institute (ITeM). Nancy Baroni (Canada), Leonor Briones (Philippines), Anas El Hasnaoui (Morocco), Javier Gómez (Bolivia), Arjun Karki (Nepal), Thida Khus (Cambodia), Edward Oyugi (Kenya), Iara Pietricovsky (Brazil), Ziad Abdel Samad (Lebanon), Areli Sandoval (Mexico), Alexandra Spieldoch (United States), Genoveva Tisheva (Bulgaria), Mirjam van Reisen (European Union) and Roberto Bissio (Uruguay, ex officio).

Emily Joy Sikazwe (Zambia) and Jens Martens (Germany), co-chairs.
